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Matthew Fraser

The jungle drums predicting the death of newspapers seem to be growing ominously louder every week.

When established titles like the Christian Science Monitor announce they will stop printing a newspaper and shift their product online, it would be naïve not to interpret this move, and many others, as a sign that the industry is entering a painful period of massive restructuring.

Newspapers, and the media industries in general, are also going through severe cost-cutting measures, including layoffs, as they watch their top-line revenues go south. The only question is how long the agony will last. Maybe not the death rattle yet, but the prognosis is bleak.

Four years ago when Philip Meyer predicted, in his book The Vanishing Newspaper, that the final copy of the world’s last printed newspaper will roll off a printing press in the year 2043, it seemed vaguely alarming. The same dire scenario was evoked earlier this year in a New Yorker article citing Meyer’s book. Imagine that, a world without newspapers. Today Meyer’s prediction actually seems exceedingly diplomatic. That date is thirty-five years away. That date conveniently allows the entire generation in the top ranks of the newspaper business today to retire comfortably or go quietly to their graves before the ignominy of their profession’s unquiet demise.

Unquiet indeed. The debate about the death of Old Media is getting nasty. The latest salvo was a wicked piece in Slate that subtly traduced Web 2.0 media evangelist Jeff Jarvis, whose BuzzMachine blog enjoys a wide following. The Slate article was titled: “Is Jeff Jarvis gloating about the death of print?” Jarvis indeed has established a reputation for heralding a bold new era of “citizen journalism” based on networked Web 2.0 platforms. As an evangelist, he has been sharply critical of stubborn believers in the Old Religion – or, rather, Old Media – who just don’t understand that their business model is dying.

Slate’s slicing up of Jarvis was an Old Media counter-strike, though its target was more Jarvis personally than the substance of his ideas. Until now, Old Media advocates have been remarkably stoical as Web 2.0 evangelists, filled with passionate intensity, scoff at their outdated methods and proclaim their imminent extinction. True, some polemical Old Media voices have spoken up, like Andrew Keen, whose book The Cult of the Amateur is a reactionary defence of established media institutions and a shrill assault on citizen journalism. Conservatives claim that Web 2.0 evangelists are self-promoting hucksters jet-setting around the globe on someone else’s dime to industry conferences, where they scratch around for consulting jobs, pick up speaking gigs, and flog their snakeskin oil with juiced-up slogans and buzz-words about the inevitability of “social media”. That’s more or less the portrait of Jeff Jarvis that comes into focus in the Slate article.

I must confess that I frequently find myself agreeing with Jarvis’ analysis of the newspaper business. Perhaps that’s because, like him, I am a product of Old Media who now spends a good deal of my time thinking about New Media business models. I began in newspaper journalism 25 years ago – worked as a reporter, critic, correspondent, columnist, and eventually became Editor-in-Chief of a large national broadsheet, the National Post. I’ve also co-hosted a national TV show in prime time. I’ve moreover written two books about the Old Media business. The final chapter of one of them, published in 1999, was titled, “The Multimedia Revolution”.

In short, my long experience in newspapers and television procures a certain degree of confidence when critiquing Old Media. I know that business. At the same time, I don’t necessarily share the passionate convictions of Web 2.0 evangelism. While there can be little doubt that the Web 2.0 revolution has tremendous momentum at present, my own approach is more analytical than normative, more secular than evangelist.

My cards are now on the table. Now let’s return to newspapers. There can be little doubt, as previously noted, that the newspaper business is either dying or, at best, undergoing a profound structural transformation. There are many ways we can examine what is happening to newspapers, and bloggers like Jeff Jarvis are necessary voices in that discussion. So are the voices of his critics. I’d like to focus here on two issues:

First, the structural dynamics of the newspaper business that risk rendering the industry obsolete (I will address this issue in this post).

Second, the pervasive corporate culture in newspaper journalism that constrains the business from adapting to new market realities (an issue which I will address in a second post tomorrow). 

First, the industry’s structural dynamics. Let’s look at three pillars of the newspaper business: advertising, printing/distribution, and editorial.

Advertising. Five years ago when I was running the National Post, the advertising department was over-staffed with old-style “order takers”. We had dozens of advertising reps sitting in cubicles waiting for the telephones to ring. The senior advertising managers meanwhile were building good will in the old three-martini-lunch tradition. As Editor-in-Chief, I was dragged out to annual golf tournaments, pressured to make rubber-chicken speeches before clients, and arm-twisted into attending countless sales meetings because, I was told, big clients are always impressed when the top guy from “editorial” is in the room.

That was in 2003. The Web was exploding all around us. And yet I don’t think these grinding advertising sales rituals had changed much since the 1950s. I knew that the industry’s revenues were shifting online, and kept saying it. But nobody was listening. We didn’t even have editorial control of our own website. I logged on one day and punched in “George Bush”. This is the response the came up: “zero matches”. That’s when I knew we had a problem. And we did. Now let me ask this question: Was it really any different at most major daily newspapers?

Distribution. The first thing I learned as Editor of the National Post was that, while I was the most glamorous member of the paper’s executive team (editorial enjoys high prestige vis-à-vis the other departments), I certainly didn’t command the biggest budget. My editorial budget was less than 25% of the paper’s total cost structure. More than 50% of the budget was devoted to the grubby, low-prestige area of “manufacturing” – in other words, printing the newspaper. We were blowing half our revenues on just getting the product off printing presses (which, by the way, were in some cases owned by our fiercest competitors). Another big whack of the budget was getting the newspaper distributed – to subscribers’ homes, to hotels, to airports, and so forth. In sum, the vast majority of our cost structure was devoted not to “journalism”, but to below-the-neck functions of manufacturing the product and getting it to market.

I remember once giving a boardroom presentation to the senior corporate officers of my parent company, CanWest Global, a conglomerate that owns newspapers, television networks, radio stations, Web properties, and cable TV channels. The CEO was in the room, surrounded by the company’s top corporate officers. I was on my feet going through my plans and budget. Out of the corner of my eye, I noticed one of the top guys in the company, Tom Strike, tapping furiously on his calculator. Eminently likeable, Tom was known as a sharp “numbers” guy. As my publisher and I were walking everybody in the boardroom through our distribution costs, Tom was calculating the per-copy “yield”. I had a sinking feeling that his calculator was not my friend.

I was right. At one point, Tom looked up and said: “You’re in a shitty business”. Gulp. But he had a point. We had a negative per-copy yield. That’s why we were losing money. It wasn’t my editorial expenses. It was the enormous cost of getting the product printed and distributed. It was brain damage. When you are spending most of your budget getting a product to the doors of customers who don’t even have time to read it, but buy it out of habit or because it’s discounted, you’re in a shitty business.

No wonder newspapers like the Christian Science Monitor are going online. If you’re going to be disintermediated, you might as well disintermediate yourself.

Editorial. Most journalists are smart and hardworking, if egomaniacal and paranoid. I was once advised by a wise newspaper veteran that all newsrooms are essentially “adult daycare centres”. Not far from the truth. The real problem however, from a business point of view, is that journalists are totally disconnected from the realities of the business that employs them. And today, they are whistling past the graveyard.

I used to put my senior editors on the spot when we were discussing what should go on the front page. My ideas were much more expansive and less restricted by established journalistic values. I remember my Managing Editor once objecting to my lunacy by insisting to me: “But we have to the put the news on the front”. I replied: “News? Who says what’s news? You do?” Embarrassed silence.

Today, of course, newspaper editors are no longer the powerful “news” gatekeepers they used to be.  The rise of Web-based citizen journalism is disintermediating their traditional functions as gatekeepers and packagers. Newsgathering sites like Slashdot, Wikinews, Agoravox, Indymedia and many others have shifted power from “professional” journalists towards anyone who wishes to participate in the dissemination of information. In South Korea, for example, the OhMyNews site — whose motto is “Every Citizen is a Reporter” – has had a major impact on national politics in that country.

News has also been transformed by Web 2.0 platforms like Digg and Twitter. As the information flows following the recent Bombay terrorist attacks demonstrated, networked platforms like Twitter can get the “news” out faster than traditional media. As in Bombay, earlier this year when the devastating earthquake struck China, the first reports came not from media news reports, but from Twitter “tweets”. Thanks to Twitter, well-known blogger Robert Scoble reported the Chinese disaster an hour before major media like CNN. Scoble had been reading Twitter tweets from people in China while the earthquake was actually shaking the ground under their feet. In May, New Scientist reported that Facebook, Twitter, and GoogleMaps had been more efficient than traditional emergency services — which often rely on mass media — in responding to devastating California wildfires and the tragic Virginia Tech shooting rampages the previous year.

Make no mistake, Web 2.0 platforms are having a profound impact on how information is gathered and disseminated. News organisations, understandably, are inventing all sort of reasons and rationalisations to convince themselves that their own professional values and business models are unassailable (more on that tomorrow). In truth, they don’t have the luxury of being indifferent to these powerful forces. News organisations not only must reinvent their business models tied to vertical institutional structures and heavily dependent on increasingly stranded assets; they must also bring about a revolution in their corporate culture and professional values.

The first revolution (industry structure and organisation) is happening now, establishing its own facts. The second revolution (professional values and behaviour) will be harder to accomplish because it is meeting powerful forces of resistance. I will return to this subject tomorrow.

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Matthew Fraser

The presidential election of 2008 shall go down in history for an obvious symbolic reason that will inspire future generations. Yet while pundits were focused on the question of Barack Obama’s race, another largely overlooked factor was his powerful techno-demographic appeal.

We know that Obama’s landmark victory was due, in part, to a groundswell of support among young Americans. Early in his campaign, political pollsters were observing that Obama was “rocking the youth vote”. This was proved true. Exit polls on Tuesday revealed that Obama had won nearly 70% of the vote among young Americans under 25 — the highest percentage since U.S. exit polling began in 1976.

Obama, in a word, enjoyed a groundswell of support among the Facebook generation. He indeed will be the first occupant of the White House to have won a presidential election on the Web.

This election was the first time that all candidates – presidential and congressional — attempted to connect directly with American voters via online social networking sites like Facebook and MySpace. It has even been called the “Facebook election”. It is no coincidence that one of Obama’s key strategists was 24-year-old Chris Hughes, a Facebook co-founder. It was Hughes who masterminded the Obama campaign’s highly effective Web blitzkrieg – everything from social networking sites to podcasting and mobile messaging.

Facebook was not unaware of its suddenly powerful role in American electoral politics. During the presidential campaign, the site launched its own forum to encourage online debates about voter issues. Facebook also teamed up with ABC for election coverage and political forums. And CNN teamed up with YouTube to hold presidential debates.

Obama’s masterful leveraging of Web 2.0 platforms marks a major e-ruption in electoral politics – in America and elsewhere - as campaigning shifts from old-style political machines, focussed on charming those at the top of organisations, towards the horizontal dynamics of online social networks. The Web, a perfect medium for genuine grassroots political movements, is transforming the power dynamics of politics. There are no barriers to entry on sites like Facebook and YouTube. Power is diffused towards the edges because everybody can participate. The Web is being used not only for vote-getting but also – as the Obama campaign demonstrated — for grassroots fundraising. Obama’s campaign drummed up more than $160 million from supporters who gave comparatively tiny amounts — $200 or less.

What was remarkable about the Obama team’s online efforts was how comparatively inexpensive they were. Obama’s spending on online advertising was comparatively tiny – less than $8 million. That pales into insignificance against his TV spending, including $4m on a half-hour TV special in the final week alone. About $3.5 million of the online spend was on adwords by Google searches. The spending figures for Facebook were also small — $467,000 in total, almost all ($370,000) in September.

In political campaigns, the Web is low-cost but high-reach. According to a survey by the Pew Research Center, nearly half — or 46% — of Americans used the Web, email or text messaging for news about the presidential campaign, to contribute to the debate, or to mobilize others. Some 35% of Americans said they’d watched online political videos — three times more than during the 2004 presidential election (before YouTube was created). And roughly 10% said they’d logged on to social networking sites like Facebook and MySpace to engage in the election.

Obama, who was often seen thumbing messages on his Blackberry during the campaign, is a new-generation politician who shrewdly understands the electoral power of the Web. Pulling out all the Web 2.0 stops, the Obama campaign used not only Facebook and YouTube, but also MySpace, Twitter, Flickr, Digg, BlackPlanet, LinkedIn, AsianAve, MiGente, Glee and others.

Obama was by a long stretch the most effective online politician during the presidential campaign – not only against John McCain, but also against his Democratic rival Hillary Clinton. For the past two years, Facebook has overwhelmingly been pro-Obama virtual territory. Some have attributed Obama’s victory to a “Facebook effect”.

At 47, he may be older than the average user there, but Obama is a natural Facebook politician. On his personal profile there - which featured his “Our Moment is Now” motto - Obama named his favourite musicians as Miles Davis, Stevie Wonder, and Bob Dylan, and listed his pastimes as basketball, writing, and “loafing w/kids” (note the hip shorthand).

The 72-year-old John McCain, by contrast, never managed to connect on Facebook. He gave one of his pastimes as “fishing” - which may be popular in some places, but ain’t hip - and listed Letters from Iwo Jima among his favourite movies. His profile even got “punked” by a prankster who hacked it and posted a phony policy announcement on his online profile: “Dear supporters, today I announce that I have reversed my position and come out in full support of gay marriage…particularly marriage between two passionate females.”

The statistics are telling. Obama had more than 2 million American supporters on Facebook; McCain, just over 600,000. On the microblogging platform Twitter, Obama could count on more than 112,000 supporters “tweeting” to get him elected. McCain, for his part, had only 4,600 followers on Twitter. (A map of declared support by American Twitter users found every state overwhelmingly Democrat, apart from South Dakota - which was only “mildly” Democrat.)

On YouTube, Obama’s supporters uploaded more than 1,800 videos onto the BarackObama.com channel, which counted about 115,000 subscribers. The channel attracted more than 97 million video views by some 18 million channel visits. Compare that to McCain’s YouTube presence: only 330 videos were uploaded to the JohnMcCain.com channel, which attracted just over 28,000 subscribers. The McCain channel attracted barely more than 2 million visits and some 25 million video views. Obama beat McCain 4 to 1.

The YouTube coup de grace was the blockbuster “Yes We Can” videoclip. The viral circulation of that video, watched by millions of Americans only days after it was first posted, gave Obama solid electoral credibility in Middle America. Suddenly he was like a pop star on MTV. The video wasn’t even made by the Obama campaign team: it was produced spontaneously by the hip hop star Will.i.am, from the group Black Eyed Peas.

Obama also effectively used podcasts and electoral messaging to mobile devices (he had already been doing so as a U.S. Senator). As one observer put it: “While Obama was making great use of podcasts, John McCain was missing in action.” The McCain campaign finally came up with the idea of posting a videogame called “Pork Invaders” on his Facebook page to underscore the war hero candidate’s determination to take on Washington “pork barrelling” (in which politicians manoeuvre lucrative schemes for their areas into legislation, to ensure re-election or repay favours bought to get them elected). The Obama team, meanwhile, was harnessing the power of network effects through an “Obama app” for iPhones, which allowed supporters to spread the pro-Obama message to everyone on their contact list.

Obama had already honed his Web 2.0 campaigning skills against Hillary Clinton. While political pundits were following the Obama-Clinton head-butting on the hustings, Obama was outmanoeuvring his Democratic rival below the radar on Facebook. In early 2007, more than a year before he won his party’s nomination, Obama had attracted a massive following on Facebook while Hillary Clinton was struggling with the negative fallout of a Facebook movement called “Stop Hillary Clinton”. While Obama’s Facebook page had attracted more than 250,000 members, Clinton’s page counted a paltry 3,200.

The Internet, to be sure, had already been deployed in political campaigns, but was used mainly to raise money. But as voters massively shift towards the Internet for social interaction, consumer purchasing, and political participation, office-seekers are rushing to establish an online presence and connect with voters on the ground. During the U.S. elections, more than 500 American politicians had their own Facebook page. Many more will in future elections – not only in the United States, but also in Britain, France, Germany, Canada, Australia and other democracies. From now on, success in electoral politics depends on having friends in low places.

 

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